Music Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words - 8

Music - Essay Example and ran up to 1000A.D. Gregory, a Christian pope who served for 14 years, from 590 A.D. is believed to have largely contributed to the type of music. One of the major characteristics of the medieval period music is the monophonic feature that developed a single melody line for a piece of music. Polyphonic types of music however developed late in the period, after the 12th century, but this music type remains unique and cannot be confused with music from other periods (Thinkquest, n.d.). The renaissance period, a two-century long duration, marks the second phase of music’s history. Even though the period’s developments were engineered from the church, secular artists soon took centre stage and significantly dominated music. The basis of transition from the medieval period to the renaissance period was emotional attachment that was associated with words in music. The initiative that was developed by a church bishop was then followed by more advancement such as use of instruments in music. The polyphonic type of music in the period also differed from the one that developed in the medieval period (Thinkquest, n.d.). The end of the 17th century marked a transition from the renaissance music period to the baroque period that lasted for about a century and a half. It marked significant developments in music’s history with development of art that was â€Å"highly ornate, colorful and richly textured† (Thinkquest, n.d., p. 1). The period also incorporated other forms of art such as poetry into music’s presentation and involved higher-level application of instruments in music besides establishment of homophony as a music style. Polyphonic style of music also advanced besides other approaches such as orchestra, opera, and vocal music approaches (Thinkquest, n.d.). Classical period marked the end of baroque period in the year 1750 A.D. It involved transitions into a more balanced, proportionate and principled approach that marked a

Errol John and his work of "Moon on A Rainbow" Research Paper

Errol John and his work of "Moon on A Rainbow" - Research Paper Example Kenneth Tyran was aware about what happens in in theatre, in the year 1957, frustrations due to lack for sharp new writing, he went on to convince the observer that a play completion be launched. Moon on a Rainbow Shawl, by Errol John got the first prize, however, in spite of Joh’s play’s fresh force, John had struggle to get the play staged. It happens to be a shame that such talent could be overlooked as well as statement to the Nation that fifty years on, a stage for suitable stature for such a vibrant as well as subtle play has been found (Billington). Errol John, born in the year 1921 in Trinidad was a journalist before he moved to England in the year 1951 to look for a job in the theatre. Errol appeared in several productions in London stage. One of the well-known ones is in the Old Vic Theatre by the ear 1962, in the part of Othello. John made a number of appearances in film and television productions as well, although he played comparatively minor black characters that included the 1953 Heart of the Metter, the 1952 African Queen and the 1955 Simba, while head key starring roles within the BBC series such as the 1956 A man from the Sun as well as the 1967 Rainbow city. The themes of Moon in a Rainbow Shawl, which are now regarded as canonical work for black theatre, happen to be currently relevant with the play’s depiction for immigration, aspirations of the post war community that lives in poverty as well as the struggles that the African diaspora faces (Erdinch). Set in a Spanish Port, Trinidad, the play opens up on some hot, late evening within a yard of two decrepit buildings. Ephraim happens to be returning from job where he works as a bus driver, as he and Esther Adams are having a conversation. Esther, who is a quite intelligent as well as studious girl is discussing the manner in which it is not possible for her family afford school fees for her education. Secretly, Ephraim is envious of her youth as well as her opportunity to create a

Comparative ecology of urban and rural foxes

Comparative ecology of urban and rural foxes Abstract The red fox (Vulpus vulpus) is an adaptable animal that can be found anywhere with adequate food and shelter, it is therefore not surprising that they have adapted from a rural to an urban setting. Few studies have directly compared urban and rural fox ecology. This review had two primary objectives; (1) To describe habitat utilization by urban and rural foxes and (2) to discuss the variation in their diet, population dynamics, causes of mortality, social organization and behaviour by linking these variations to differences in their habitat. Many similarities were observed between the urban and rural fox. It was concluded that the features which determine the distribution and abundance of foxes may differ depending on their habitat. The diets of urban and rural foxes are proposed to be distinguished by differences in degree rather than differences in kind. In urban areas where dense populations of foxes live in close proximity there must also be greater social involvement than in the less associated rural fox communities. Population density is important when considering the spread of epizootic diseases and the timing and degree of population dispersal. 1. Introduction Over the past century increases in human population density have escalated the process of urbanisation (Mc Kinney, 2002). Organisms are now confronted with a range of novel conditions because of the modifications of the natural environment in which they ordinarily thrive. This can potentially impact both their life cycle and patterns of behaviour (Dickman and Doncaster, 1987). In recent years the effect of urbanization on the red fox (Vulpes vulpes) has been of particular interest. The concept that ecological interactions of animals may differ according to the type of habitat they occupy is not new. Differences will arise depending on the nature of the animals habitat interactions and their life history. For example, the gray squirrel (Sciurus carolinensis) and the racoon (Procyon lotor) are strongly influenced by urban variables such as proximity to houses, artificial feeders, or other physical structures (Flyger, 1970; Harris 1986). The foxs successful adjustment from a rural to an urban environment is not surprising as they are opportunistic animals that are distributed across a wide diversity of habitats. In Russia and Europe they can be found in the arctic tundra, and have been reported on sea ice 100km north of the nearest land (Harris, 1986). Foxes are to be found southwards in most European habitats. They live from western Asia to eastern Japan and southwards into the deserts of North African. Throughout most of the mainland habitats in North America the same species of fox is found (Hutchins at al, 2003). The wide distribution of the red fox, the diversity of habitats in which it can be found and the speed with which foxes have colonised areas such as Australia are all indications of its adaptability (Harris and Yalden, 2008). This review has two primary objectives: 1. To describe habitat utilization by urban and rural foxes. 2. To discuss the variation in their diet, population dynamics, causes of mortality, social organization and behaviour by linking these variations to differences in their habitat. 2. Habitat Utilization. In both urban and rural environments foxes are most abundant in diverse habitats that offer a wide variety of food and cover (Goldyn, 2003; Harris and Rayner, 1986; Mac Donald Sillero, 2004). They exercise choice in selecting a place to live within the restrictions imposed by their social behaviour (Lloyd, 1980). There are two proposed reasons for the success of the red fox across its wide distribution: 1. Size The fox is small enough to be unobtrusive, yet large enough to be able to move long distances when necessary. Therefore, it can easily colonise new areas and search areas where recourses are scattered (Harris, 1986). 2. Lack of specialization The red fox can thrive in a variety of locations as it has no particular habitat requirements (Lloyd, 1980). 2.1. Rural Habitat. The general perception of a rural habitat suitable for fox habitation is a diverse landscape consisting of scrub and woodland (Llyod, 1980). However, rural habitats also include mountains (above the treeline), moorlands, costal dunes and agricultural habitats such as arable and pastoral farmlands. Foxes have shown a marked preference for small coniferous woodlands in upland areas that are free of anthropogenic influence and afford good shelter (Goldyn, 2003). Large coniferous plantations are generally poor foraging areas for the fox; however, while ground vegetation remains they are also good habitats (Harris and Yalden, 2008). The main factor influencing the location of rural foxes is the availably and distribution of food shelter is generally not a limiting resource (Goldyn, 2003). Dens have a crucial meaning for foxes, not only as breeding places, but also as a shelter for adults during the whole year (Meia and Weber, 1993). The rural fox digs dens in a wide variety of habitats including; banks; enlarged old rabbit burrows; disused or occupied badger setts; also natural holes in rock crevices and drains (Harris 1977a; Harris 1986). Vegetative cover and water need to be within or close to denning sites for this species. They should also be located near areas with a good prey base as females seldom range more than half a mile from their dens (Hoover and Wills, 1987). In farmland areas foxes have shown a preference for denning sites that are undisturbed by humans. Wood edges and woodlots are virtually exclusive habitats where fox dens are situated (Lariviere, 1966). In farmlands adjacent to wooded areas only a minority of foxes will locate in an open habitat such as arable land. Goszozynskis study (1985) showed that in an area with 21% forest coverage; only 2% of all dens were located in open habitats. However Goldyn (2003) found that in farmlands where wood cover is lacking, foxes can successfully adapt to completely different conditions, reaching high den sites. The banks of drainage ditches, marsh banks and boundary strips between fields were also frequently used as den locations. This is indicative of the adaptable nature of the fox in a sub-optimal habitat. 2.2. Urban habitats. For the purpose of this review an urban habitat will refer to any habitat within a built up area that does not occur naturally outside it. Urban habitats include gardens, parks, wastelands, road verges, railway tracks and cemeteries (www.wildberks.co.uk). Urban habitats have become ecosystems in which mammal populations have adapted their lifestyle in order to survive. These fragmented ecosystems provide breeding sites, food and shelter for foxes (Macdonald and Newdick, 1982). In the past there has been some confusion as to which habits are important for the urban fox. It was noted by Llyod (1968) that urban foxes may live in gardens, but usually they shelter in daytime in woodlands, parks, cemeteries, and overgrown sites such as isolated building plots. Later Harris (1977a) noted that the daytime rests of most importance are quiet gardens (irrespective of size) and similar domestic habitats, he proposed that parks and public open spaces were of little importance; this is evident in Table 1. Habitat variables appear to have consistent effects on the distribution of foxes. Similar to foxes found in rural areas, the urban fox is most commonly found in areas of diverse habitat. In an urban environment diverse habitats include areas where industry, commerce or council rented housing predominate (Harris and Rayner, 1986). In London the availability of suitable habitats for daytime harbourage is an important limiting factor for the distribution of and numbers in fox populations (Harris, 1977a). Habitat Number of Specimens Percent of specimens Percent of surburban land use Resedential habitats gardens, garden sheds, cellars, houses 226 59.79 40.19 Industrial habitats sewage stations, factories, builders yards, nurseries 28 7.41 3.72 Vacant land, normally without public access 32 8.47 6.01 Parks and public open spaces 33 8.73 10.53 Hospitals 9 2.38 1.10 Allotments 20 5.29 1.29 Cemetries 10 2.65 0.74 British rail and underground lines 9 2.38 2.29 Golf courses 5 1.32 No data Sports grounds and school fields 3 0.79 2.29 Rubbish tips 2 0.53 0.59 Airports 1 0.26 1.58 Road deaths 22 Other habitats 29.67 Totals (excluding road deaths) 378 100.00 100.00 Table 1: Harris (1977a) collected and recorded the location of 400 urban fox corpses in London. This data illustrated the relative importance of the various urban habitats as daytime harbourage. It has also been suggested by several authors that railway lines may be a particularly important habitat for the urban fox. Radio-tracking in Edinburgh revealed that the types of habitats visited by foxes largely reflected their availability. Railway lines were particularly important to dog foxes as pathways between parts of their range (Treweila and Harris, 1990). In London regular disturbance is the main factor governing the distribution of dens. The majority of natal dens are situated in undisturbed habitats including under garden sheds, quiet gardens and railway embankments. Few litters are raised in dens in areas of public access; this is illustrated in Table 2 (Harris, 1977a). Rural foxes have also shown a preference for denning sites that are undisturbed by humans (Goldyn, 2003). Situation Number of Specimens Percent Under garden sheds with raised floors 36 37.1 Under concrete floors of garages, out-buildings, and raised floors of summer-houses and portable huts 10 10.3 In air-raid shelters 1 1.0 In drains 1 1.0 In banks of earth e.g. at bottom of gardens, railway embankments, etc, 29 29.9 In flat ground 9 9.3 In flower-beds, rockeries 6 6.2 In compost heaps, piles of rubbish, woodpiles 5 5.2 Total 97 100.0 Table 2: Sitting of suburban fox dens used for rearing cubs (Harris, 1977a). 3. Diet As the fox is both a predator and a scavenger, it is presented with a huge variety of prospective foods (Lloyd, 1980). Their diet depends on both location and time of year (Harris, 1986). Foxes are known to switch their diet to feed on whatever is abundant locally. They have adapted particularly well to humans by foraging in towns and hunting in areas cleared for agriculture (Hutchins at al, 2003). It is important to remember that in rural and urban areas a similar range of food types are likely to be eaten; however, the proportions will vary. For example urban foxes in London and Oxford have a broadly similar diet; Harris (1981) found that scavenged items comprised 37% of the diet of foxes in London, compared to 35% in Oxford (Doncaster et al, 1990). Foxes in Oxford ate more earthworms (27% as opposed to 12%) and fewer birds and insects (Harris, 1981; Doncaster et al, 1990). 3.1. Seasonal Variation in Diet Throughout the year vertebrates play an important role in the foxs diet across most of their range (Baker et al, 2006; Harris 1986). The proportion of different mammals in their diet will generally vary according to their location and season. For example in agricultural areas sheep (Ovis aries) are mostly eaten in winter and spring; this roughly corresponds to the lambing season which extends from January to May (Fairley, 1984). In Britain the most important mammal eaten in urban areas is the field vole (Microtus agrestis), which is more abundant in their diet during the winter months (Harris, 1986). Fruits and berries are also of seasonal importance to the fox. In the early autumn foxes include blackberries, raspberries, bilberries, cherries and hawthorn berries in their diet. They eat strawberries in great quantities during the summer months (Llyod, 1980). Lever (1959) also identified earthworms, slugs and snails as constituting a small proportion of the foxs diet in the summer months. On domestic lawns there is a more regular supply of scavenged foods and a greater availability (though not necessarily abundance) of earthworms than on rougher rural pastures (Llyod, 1980). As a result, seasonal differences in the diet of the rural fox are much more pronounced than in the urban fox, as there can be major variation at different times of the year (Harris 1986). 3.2. Scavenging In most habitats scavenging is important for the fox. In upland regions of West Scotland, where other food sources were scarce, the fox was found to scavenge in an agricultural environment. Foxes fed largely on sheep carrion and field voles (65% of mass ingested), supplemented by deer carrion, rabbits and birds (Hewson, 1984). In Ireland rural foxes were also found to scavenge on sheep afterbirths (Fairley, 1984). Scavenging is particularly important to the urban fox as it supplements its diet with a high proportion and variety of scavenged food (Doncaster et al, 1990). In the centre of cities foxes eat more scavenged food and fewer domestic pets, earthworms and wild animals than foxes found closer to the suburban fringe. (Harris, 1986) In London and Oxford scavenged food or food deliberately provided by householders accounts for over 35% of their diet (Harris, 1981; Doncaster at al, 1990). Foxes are known to raid dustbins for scraps (www.thefoxwebsite.org) and may also occasionally raid bird tables (Harris, 1986). 3.3. The fox as a predator Medium sized animals play an important role in the diet of the rural fox throughout all seasons; rabbits for example may account for up to 74% of their diet (Baker et al, 2006). In Ireland foxes tend to switch to brown rats (Rattus norvegicus) when rabbit populations are reduced by myxamatosis (Fairley, 1984). The intake of small rodents is much lower in Ireland than in Britain. It is therefore possible that rats, hares and rabbits are of greater importance to the rural Irish fox because of the restricted variety of mammalian prey, (Fairley, 1970) in particular the absence of field voles in Ireland (Lever, 1959). In agricultural environments the red fox is known to be one of the most important predators (Lloyd, 1980). A study by Conova and Rosa (1994) on the diet of foxes on agricultural land in northwest Italy found that birds and small mammals made up more than 60% of their diet. Game birds such as mallards (Anas plutyrhynchos) and pheasants (Phasianus colchicus) as well as domestic birds were preyed upon. In Brittan game birds (mainly pheasants), small mammals (predominately field voles) and large mammals comprise 11, 7 and 6% of their diet, respectively (Baker et al, 2006). In England and Ireland lambs are more susceptible to losses than poultry, this is due to the fact that they are numerous and widely dispersed and often suffer from poor husbandry and exposure to severe climatic conditions (Llyod, 1980). In the urban matrix the predatory role of fox has not been abandoned, despite the fact that lambs and wild rabbits are largely absent from their diet due to lack of availability. Instead, urban foxes prey on birds and small mammals to a greater degree than those in rural areas (Doncaster et al, 1990). Foxes are attracted to locations which have a diverse and abundant food base, whether these sources are situated in the urban ecosystem or the surrounding countryside (Dickman and Doncaster, 1987). This is emphasised by similarities in the diets of urban and rural foxes (Doncaster et al, 1990; MacDonald, 1981). The diets of urban and rural foxes are distinguished more by differences in degree than by differences in kind as some populations of rural foxes may also scavenge food from villages and farms (Doncaster et al, 1990). 4. Population Dynamics 4.1 Density Fox population density is influenced by factors such as prey availability and anthropogenic culling (Webbon et al, 2004) and varies depending on location (table 3) (Harris and Yalden, 2008). Webbon et al (2004) found that in rural hill areas, densities may be as low as 0.21 fox per km2 and peak at 2.23 foxes per km2 on arable land. High densities were positively related with areas of coniferous woodland, lowland marsh and grassland leys. In urban areas fox population density is usually higher than in similarly sized rural areas. The highest density of foxes ever recorded was 37.0 adults/km2 in North West Bristol (Baker et al, 2000). This figure was recorded immediately before an outbreak of mange. Fox Population Densities Rural (Webbon et al, 2004) Urban Habitat Number of foxes per km2 Habitat Number of Foxes per km2 Arable land 0.79 2.23 Bristol before mange outbreak (Baker et al, 2000) 37.0 Pastural land 1.39 1.88 Bristol 2.5 years after mange outbreak (Baker et al, 2000) 7.0 Marginal Upland 0.82 London (Page, 1981) 12.0 Upland 0.21 Cheltenham (Harris and Smith, 1987a) 8.96 11.2 Table 3: Population densities across urban and rural locations. 4.2. Dispersal The most important factor affecting dispersal is population density. Trewhella et al (1988) found that in areas of low fox density (rural areas) animals disperse farther than those from areas of high and medium fox density (urban areas). In very low fox density parts of Europe exceptional movements will exceed 100km: however, in Britain movements over 40 km are rare, even in hill areas where fox numbers are low (Harris and Yalden, 2008) Not only do urban foxes move shorter distances, but fewer of them actually leave the home. Trewhella et al (1988) found that by the end of their second year the final proportion of urban foxes that dispersed were 75.8% for males and 37.8% for females. The rest permanently stay on the home range where they were born. Storm et al. (1976) gathered data on rural foxes and found the proportion of foxes dispersing was somewhat higher than in Trewhellas urban study, amounting to 96% for males and 58% for females. Dispersal starts earlier in the countryside than in urban areas. Disturbance, especially by fox hunting, may be particularly important in splitting up a higher number of fox families and accelerating the dispersal of juveniles (Harris, 1986). Dispersal begins in early autumn and is largely completed by the end of the year (Storm et al., 1976). In urban areas cubs that do disperse tend to do so quite late in the season (December). This may be because most urban fox families are subject to less severe disturbance (Harris, 1986). 5. Causes of Mortality 5.1. Human induced mortalities In both urban and rural populations humans are responsible for a high proportion of fox deaths (Table 3). In urban areas road traffic is the main cause of fox mortalities (Baker et al, 2004; Harris and Smith 1987b). In 2004, 58% of fox deaths in Bristol were road deaths; the majority being killed on major category roads (e.g. motorways) (Baker et al, 2004). In rural areas the majority of deaths are caused by culling and hunting foxes. In all regions of mainland Britain there has been a steady increase in the mean number of foxes killed by gamekeepers per km2 since 1960 (Tapper 1992), with four times as many killed per km2 in 1990 as in 1960. In rural Dorset 58% of foxes were deliberately killed by hunting and culling (Reynolds and Tapper, 1995). In a survey of three rural regions in England foxes were culled in 70 95% of farms (Reynolds and Tapper, 1996). Hunting with dogs took a number of forms before the introduction of the Hunting Act in 2004. 21,000 25,000 foxes were killed annually by approximately 200 registered packs of foxhounds; with terriers digging out 55,000 dens and lurchers killing 10,000 foxes (Harris and Yalden, 2008). Urban Fox (Harris and Smith, 1987b) Rural Fox (Reynolds and Tapper, 1995) Cause of death %Killed Cause of death % Killed Road accidents 61.65 Road accidents 7 Killed deliberately by people 17.45 Killed deliberately by people 58 Disease 10.5 Disease 5 Table 3: Major causes of death for urban foxes in Bristol and rural foxes in Dorset. The figures are given as percentages and should be taken to indicate the relative importance of the different mortality factors. 5.2. Disease. Due to higher densities and closer proximity, urban foxes are more susceptible to epizootic diseases such as mange and rabies, this is evident in table 3 (Harris and Smith 1987b). Sarcoptic mange is a parasitic disease that spread across most of mainland Britain during the 1990s, this caused declines in both rural and urban fox populations (Baker et al, 2000). However this decline was more noticeable in urban areas due to higher densities of foxes. In some populations, more than 95% of individuals died. Despite this, populations are slowly recovering (www.thefoxwebsite.org). Harris (1977b) demonstrated that spinal arthritis (sponodylosis deformans), was present in a very high proportion of urban foxes, with an infection level of 34.5%. The average age of the foxes used in the study was only one year nine months. It is thought that development of this disease is related to their diet. Fox (1939) suggested that the situation in urban foxes is unusual; however this has not yet been confirmed by reference to large collections of skeletal material from other populations. 6. Social Organisation and Behaviour 6.1 Territories Davies (1978) recognises territoriality where animals are spaced further apart than would be expected from a random occupation of suitable habitats. The size of fox territory varies largely between regions, depending on their habitat. However territories of the rural fox are generally larger than their urban counterparts. In hill areas of Scotland territories can be up to 4000ha (Lockie, 1964); in rural Dorset it has been averaged at 270ha (Reynolds Tapper, 1995) and as 520ha in Sitka spruce populations (O Mahoney et al, 1999). In urban areas territories may be as small as 8.5ha, this is due to the availability of anthropogenic food sources and the higher density of foxes living in cities. In Bristol the mean territory size is 27ha (Baker et al, 2000), 39 ha in Oxford (Doncaster and Mac Donald, 1991) and 100ha in Edinburgh (Kolb, 1986). The drifting movement of territories appears to be unique among urban foxes and has been studied in Oxford. City ranges were not spatially stable over months or even weeks. They moved in step-wise extensions to encompass new areas whilst at the same time contracting other parts of the range to expel old areas. (Doncaster and Mac Donald, 1991). Movement of home ranges may be a behavioural adaptation that has developed since the invasion of foxes into urban areas. The average amount of food available in the city is usually higher than in an equivalently sized rural area, but there is also a much greater variance in food availability (Doncaster et al, 1990; MacDonald, 1981). Foxes must regularly explore new areas and re-explore old ones in order to make the optimum use of the resources in an urban environment. In a large rural home range this activity would not be viable as it would require far too much energy; however this strategy survives and prospers in cities because of the high de nsity of different habitat patches. 6.2. Relation with Humans Foxes have had a very mixed relationship with humans. They are generally unpopular with rural communities, gamekeepers, shepherds and the majority of farmers (Reynolds and Tapor, 1996). Fox culling in rural areas is undertaken by several disparate interest groups. The key reason for farmers involvement in fox culling is the protection of livestock or poultry. Similarly, gamekeepers undertake culling to protect game on relatively large farms (Llyod, 1980). In rural areas fox hunting as a sport is often of substantial interest. In some cases landowners and gamekeepers curtail their culling effort to ensure sufficient foxes are available for hunting (Heydon and Reynolds, 2000). In contrast with this, urban foxes are welcomed by most residents and are often supported through deliberate feeding by householders (www.thefoxwebsite.org). During the 1970s and 80s there was a large reduction in the number of foxes killed by the local authority, this was due to their increasing popularity in British cities such as London (Harris and Yaldin, 2008). Damage caused by foxes in urban areas is generally slight; however fox predation on domestic pets contributes to the problematic relationship between humans and foxes. In relation to his study of food preferences in urban foxes, Harris (1981b) questioned households in Bristol regarding numbers of domestic animals killed by foxes. 5,191 households took part in the survey. Of the households that owned cats only 2.7% had lost a cat to foxes, most of which were kittens. 7. Conclusion Foxes are found anywhere with adequate food and shelter; their habitat can vary widely in terms of climate and terrain, ranging from the extremes of the arctic tundra in Russia and Europe to the deserts of North Africa (Hutchins at al, 2003). Since foxes have exploited every other suitable habitat, it would be surprising if they had not become city-dwellers. Mac Donald and Nedwick (1982) have suggested that there is no strict division between rural and urban foxes; radio tracked foxes regularly commuted between urban and rural areas. Nevertheless, living in the city requires special adaptations. The features which determine the distribution and abundance of foxes may be different in urban and rural habitats. The habitats of most communities of rural foxes are determined by the availably and distribution of food and by competition for it according to the density of foxes in an area (Goldyn, 2003). In an urban environment food is not usually a limiting recourse as vast amounts of food are available for scavenging. Instead, shelter becomes a high priority and their distribution is determined by the availability of suitable daytime refuge (Harris, 1977a). The diets of urban and rural foxes are generally very similar, however the availability of these foods differ between environments. The same controversy over predation on mans livestock exists in both areas, but in urban areas cats are substituted for lambs and domestic birds for poultry (Harris, 1981, Hewson, 1984). The largest difference in their diets is the more regular supply of scavenged foods and the greater availability of earthworms on domestic lawns than on rougher rural pastures (Doncaster et al, 1990). If given the opportunity, some populations of rural foxes may also scavenge substantial proportions of their food from villages and farms. In urban areas where dense populations of foxes live in close proximity there must be greater social involvement than in the less associated rural fox communities (Baker et al, 2000; Webbon et al, 2004). The closer proximity of high density urban fox populations results in higher susceptibility to epizootic diseases than their rural counter parts (Harris and Smith, 1987b). Density also has an affect on dispersal; generally animals from low density rural areas disperse farther than those from high or medium fox density urban areas (Trewhella et al, 1988). Not only do urban foxes move shorter distances but fewer of them actually leave the home (Trewhella et al, 1988; Storm et al, 1976). In both rural and urban populations humans are responsible for the majority of fox deaths. However, they are perceived very differently in these habitats. The majority of urban fox deaths are accidental (Baker et al, 2004); they are generally welcomed and have provided people with a connection to the natural world. On the other hand, in a rural setting foxes are seen as an agricultural pest and the majority of deaths are caused by culling and hunting (Heydon and Reynolds, 2000). This review highlights the influence of urbanisation on a highly adaptable and opportunistic animal. Foxes have become incredibly proficient at eking out a living in todays world and are deeply entwined in our history and culture.This review ultimately shows that the entire way of life of the urban fox is extremely similar to that of the rural fox; any behavioural differences observed seem to fall within the known range of responses of the fox to environmental stimuli. The specifics of their divergent ecology may differ depending on the habitat they occupy; however the structures of their ecologies remain the same. 8. References Baker, P.J., Funk, S.M., Harris, S., White, P.C.L. (2000). Flexible spatial organization of urban foxes, Vlpus vulpus, befo

A Gap Year: Just Say No Essay -- Education, A Gap Year

You’re coming back from a well needed break from school and you feel invigorated and ready to start. The first few weeks are the hardest to adjust to because your brain hasn’t been used throughout the break. The dilemma with breaks, such as summer break, is that one loses valuable information from past academic courses that are essential to ones progress towards higher education. Imagine a whole year without learning and then coming back to intense rigorous classes at a University. Seniors at high schools over the nation have the opportunity of taking a year off before committing to a college. This is known as a Gap Year; instead of directly enrolling into a University many students feel the need to take a break before starting their education towards their future career. Yes, a Gap Year does sound pleasing and beneficial, but in the long run it can be damaging towards ones future. Students should be aware of the ramification a Gap Year brings, such as, t he possibility for enrolling in a graduate school is lower, academic growth is reduced, and social obstacles become present. Before understanding the consequences of a gap year, it is important to understand why people take a Gap Year. Senior year can be tense and come with several unanswered questions. Seniors are given four options when leaving High School. Those choices are either joining the army, going straight to work, applying to college, or taking a Gap Year. In a journal by Sunny Niu and Marta Tienda, â€Å"Delayed Enrollment and College Plans: Is There a Postponement Penalty?† explains some of the reasons why high school graduates tend to not go directly to a four year university. One of the main reasons high school graduates are hesitant to attend co... ... index.php/considering-a-gap-year/why-take-a-gap-year>. Holmes, Bradford. "Decide If a Gap Year Makes Sense to You." Us News: n. pag. Print. Horn, Laura, Emily Forrest Cataldi, and Anna Sikora. "Waiting to Attend College." National Center of Education Statistics. N.p., n.d. Web. 8 Dec. 2013. . Niu, Sunny, and Marta Tienda. "Delayed Enrollment and College Plans: Is There a Postponement Penalty?" Journal of Higher Education (2013): 1-28. Print. O’Shea, Joseph. "Delaying the Academy: A Gap Year Education." Teaching in Higher Education (2011): 1-14. Print. Wells, Ryan S., and Cassie M. Lynch. "Delayed College Entry and the Socioeconomic Gap: Examining the Roles of Student Plans, Family Income, Parental Education, and Parental Occupation." Journal of Higher Education

Posse Comitatus Act (1878) Essay

The Posse Comitatus Act is a United States federal law which had been passed on June 16, 1878 as an outcome of two sources, the first being the end of the Reconstruction Period. From the establishment of the Republic till the passing of the act in question it had been standard practice to position federal troops at polling spots in order to avoid inebriates from voting as well as to ascertain that those people who would be entering the polls were sanctioned to do so in a period of restricted suffrage. As the Civil War ended, those federal troops were positioned in the polls in order to assure that worldwide manhood suffrage was allowed, and also that no previous Confederate officers would be allowed to vote since all former Confederate officers were not allowed to vote nor to hold position above the state level and the end of the Civil War Reconstruction Period entails that implementation of the said restrictions are no longer needed (Price, and Rectenwald, 2007).   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   The second reason came from the terms on the western frontier in that fort commanders were usually the solitary law and order in a district, the solitary security for pioneers who are on the move to the west. The majority of these frontiers was still beyond the United States proper, and had not been allowed in the statehood. Fort commanders then started to put into effect civilian law enforcement accountabilities, at times in a random manner, to stalk those people they regard as criminals or Indians who are dangerous for the early settlers. The line of reasoning being that criminality and Indian assaults took place swiftly and necessitate swift action from those in powers who happens to be in the same location. They were also far away from Washington D.C. and thus the outcomes were at times infringements of the constitution and stipulations otherwise unsound to chosen civil authorities (Baker, 1999).   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   The Act then was passed to veto the army in civilian law enforcement the Act also represents the long-established American dogma of separating civilian from military authorities as well as to currently prohibit the use of Army and Air Forces in order to implement civilian laws. In the past 15 years, the Congress has intentionally worn down this belief by engaging the military in drug prohibition in the United States border. This particular attrition would carry on unless the Congress renovates the Posse Comitatus Act principle to protect the crucial and traditional separation and distinction of civilian and military officials (Isenberg, 2002).   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   The increasing swiftness with which the military is regarded as a universal remedy for domestic difficulties will promptly destabilize the Posse Comitatus Act if it continue as it is – unrestricted. Trivial exemptions to the Posse Comitatus Act could rapidly develop into major exemptions. For an instance, in 1981, Congress made an exemption to the Posse Comitatus Act to sanction military participation in drug outlawing in the United States borders, later on, in 1989, Congress assigned the Department of Defense as the â€Å"single lead agency† in drug banning endeavors.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   The Posse Comitatus Act criminalizes, efficiently prohibiting, the utilization of Army or of the air Forces as a â€Å"posse comitatus† to implement the laws and regulations of US, it states: Whoever, except in cases and under circumstances expressly authorized by the Constitution or Act of Congress, willfully uses any part of the Army or Air Force as a posse comitatus or otherwise to execute the laws shall be fined under this title or imprisoned not more than two years, or both (Young, 2003).   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   While a criminal law, the Posse Comitatus Act has a more significant function as a declaration of policy which represents the traditional American principle of the division among military and civilian authorities, which also happens o be one of the most vital guidelines of the United States form of government (Rossi, 2002).   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Major as well as trivial exemptions to the Posse Comitatus Act which permit the utilization of the military in law implementation tasks, distort the line which separates the tasks of the civilians from the military officials, destabilize civilian jurisdiction of the military, injure military alacrity, and ineffectually solve the difficulties that they allegedly deals with (Rossi, 2002).   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Moreover, amplifying the functions of the military would fortify the federal law implementation equipment which is at present, under close inspection for straining its power. While it appears to be kind, such augmentations in military influence renew the terror of past exceeds in limitations which occurred in the late 1960’s (Rossi, 2002).   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   As was mentioned earlier, the Posses Comitatus Act of 1878 occurred as an immediate response to the escalating use of the military for tasks meant for civilians during the Reconstruction period. On numerous instances military troops were called upon to suppress civil commotions, to aid in creating governments in the southern states, as well as to implement civil laws and regulations. This topic came to a start when Rutherford Hayes came triumphant in the questionable presidential election which took place in 1876. Allegations were rapidly made that military troops which were sent to southern states acted as a posse comitatus (power of the people) for federal marshals at the polls played a role in giving the President the required vote he needed to win the election. In 1878, a Democrat controlled house of Representatives approved an army appropriations bill (20 Stat 145, 152) which hold language specifically banning the use of military troops as a posse comitatus, the act as a result, discarded the Mansfield Doctrine that military army could be put into use in civilian roles provided that they were subject to civilian laws and associated the use of the army with martial law. The things included in the said act basically, stayed unchanged save for the addendum of the Air Force in 1956 (70A Stat 626 (1956), however the Congress has made some developments to the some of the constitutional exemptions to the act (ex. 10 USC 331, 10 USC 332, and the like) (Young, 2003).   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   The Posse Comitatus act provided two situations in which the Act could be disregarded; when an exemption is specifically approved by the Constitution and when Congress specifically permitted an exemption. The first of the said stipulations has generated much perplexity in the use of the Act especially since the Constitution holds no condition specifically allowing the utilization of the army to implement the law of the land. Majority of the texts discussing the constitutional exemptions of the Posse Comitatus act centers on the clash between the indirect and intrinsic constitutional influence and control of the President. This is mainly because the President also happens to be the Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces (Baker, 1999).   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   The next condition which permits the exemptions to the Posse Comitatus act is Congressional approval, and it has been put into use in two ways. First is by providing a division of the armed services with civilian law enforcement capacities, and second by setting up rules for detailed kinds of aid, on so doing, modifying explicit constitutional exemptions to correspond to particular situations (Baker, 1999).   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   In the 1st case Congress has specifically allowed the coast guard to execute law enforcement tasks during peacetime, most particularly of anti-drug laws (14 USC 2) which had also been mentioned earlier in this paper. During wartimes power for the Coast Guard passes on from the Department of Transportation to the Navy, yet under the constitutional exemptions made by Congress the Coast Guard could still perform its law enforcement tasks, it should also be taken into account that the Navy and Marine corps have been subjected to the Act in question by DoD Directive 5525.5 (1986, as amended in 1989) as well as by Secretary of the Instruction (SECNAVINST) 5820.7B (1988) (Isenberg, 2002).   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Secondly, congress has passed several sections of legislation allowing the use of the army backing and apparatus in helping civilian law enforcement (10 USC 371-82), majority of this legislation was derived in 1981 following the state of affairs in the â€Å"Wounded Knee†.   These state of affairs stalked from the 1973 occupation of a facility on the Pine Ridge Reservation in South Dakota, and the following blockade, capture, and hearing of the American Indian Movement, throughout the course of the blockade the federal civilian law enforcement officials made widespread use of information, personnel, and apparatus offered by the army. The support offered by the army eventually resulted to the weakening of the indictments against those people who had been seized, and it became apparent that Congress have to deal with the necessity for constitutional prohibitions to the original act, in addition to the legal exemptions regarding offering civil law enforcement with help at times of civil disturbance (10 USC 331, 10 USC 332). The guidelines spread under the decrees offer for the conservation of federal possessions and government roles, and permits the use of army in state of emergency when civil officials are incapable to control the state of affairs, further legislation has been passed including situations when nuclear materials is involved in the emergency (Young, 2003).   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   It may seem that the Posse Comitatus Act 1878 represents the principle of the explicit division between the army and civilian forces, a tenet which had been a fundamental constituent of the US history. However, it is fascinating to take into notice that one has ever been found guilty with infringement of 18 USC 1385, and as could be seen in the first part of this paper, Congress is quick in making exemptions for the sudden intrusion of the army (most notable of which is the campaign against drugs) and this constant use of the army as well as the Congress amendment of the Act to use the military had been constant source of controversy up to this point in time. Works Cited Baker, Bonnie. â€Å"The Origins of the Posse Comitatus.† (1999) December 8, 2007   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   . Isenberg, David. â€Å"Posse Comitatus.† (2002) December 8, 2007   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   . Price, Lori R., and Michael D. Rectenwald. â€Å"The Posse Comitatus Act of 1878.† (2007)   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   December 8, 2007 Rossi, C. T. â€Å"The Posse Comitatus Act: Can We Maintain American Freedom Without It?†   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   (2002) December 8, 2007 http://www.enterstageright.com/>. Young, Stephen. â€Å"The Posse Comitatus Act.† (2003) December 8, 2007 .

Women in the Soviet Union

Women in the Soviet Dictatorship How were the lives of Soviet women affected by the policies of the Stalin era? Document 1 Source: Izvestiia, â€Å"Old Way of Life,† March 8, 1930. Document 2 Source: Pravda, â€Å"On the Path to a Great Emancipation,† March 8, 1929. Today is international communist women’s day, the international day for working women. Today is a holiday in honor of one-half of the international proletarian army and in honor of the women workers of the socialist Soviet Union.In our country, governed by the power of the proletariat, the day of the woman worker has been consciously designated as a political and cultural â€Å"great day. † And outside the Soviet borders, in places where capitalist bondage has not been overthrown, we are certain that conscientious, advanced women workers will today demonstrate their dedication to the cause of the international revolution and their indestructible solidarity with the working women and men of the Soviet Union. Our woman worker in the past . . during the barbaric, savage, and blood stained tsarist regime. The heavy and hopeless fate of the woman worker—as mother, wife, and girl. All of the striving of the woman worker toward the light, toward freedom, and to a human existence were snuffed out by the criminal arm of the autocracy. The exploitation and debasement were tripled: in politics, in factory labor, and in daily life. Working women in capitalist countries. Capitalist â€Å"democracy† has not and cannot give freedom to working and laboring women.Working women in all bourgeois countries are economically and politically enslaved. Middle class conventionality has a tenacious vice-grip on daily life. Advanced women workers and revolutionary women proletarians are persecuted. The most brutal blows of capitalist â€Å"rationalization,† unemployment, and hunger in the midst of plenty descend upon the female half of the proletariat. Fascism, Catholicism, and reformism with increasingly thoroughness exploit the historical backwardness of women orkers in order to split apart the proletarian ranks and strengthen the position of imperialism. The temples of â€Å"national government†Ã¢â‚¬â€what a thing to talk about! —are protected by stone walls which prevent the participation of working women. Only we in the Soviet Union have at hand all of the preconditions and foundations for the complete emancipation of working women. These preconditions were created and acquired in a severe struggle with enemies, at a time when world history passed over the heights of the great October summit.Only our women have been emancipated in practice, acting as conscious builders of a new society and a new governing commune, and speaking out as active citizens with fully equal rights in the socialist family. For more than eleven years, our woman worker has made her way along the path set by the proletarian dictatorship. Together with all the prol etariat she fought for power in October. Together with her working brothers she passed through the crucible of sacrifice and suffering during the civil war. She stands in the most advanced ranks of our working collective in the present-day glorious and productive period of socialist construction.In the factory workshop and at the controls of the state ships, in the cooperatives and at the shooting range, in the nursery school and at the thundering machinery, everywhere the tractors of our increasingly strong state farms and collective farms are plowing the virgin soil of our Soviet land, in the workers’ faculties and in courses for the red sisterhood where the proletariat struggles relentlessly to master science, and everywhere that life is in full swing and the anthills of labor are humming—in none of these places have the working women of the Soviet Union been forced into last place.Everywhere the vigorous stream of activism of our women workers is flowing. With ever more firm and certain steps they are advancing on the path to complete emancipation under the tested leadership of our Party. Needless to say, without the conscious and active participation of the working woman we will not fulfill the tasks defined by Lenin and by the entire development of the October revolution. We will not achieve the rapid tempo of socialist industrialization if the woman worker turns out to be passive.We will not achieve the complete cultural revolution if the woman worker remains â€Å"on the side,† or is somehow pushed off toward â€Å"the second rate plan. † For the successful completion of all these tasks we must mobilize the entire women’s active. Recruitment of the best women into the Party and the courageous and steadfast advancement into the soviets, management and cooperative duties, and the governing apparatus—these measures will ensure the actual emancipation of women who remain backward in comparison with our general leve ls of economic and cultural development.The maximum activism of all women proletarians and conscientious working peasant women is one of the indispensable guarantees of our further successes and our victorious socialist growth. The greatest possible and most inexhaustible activism, the unceasingly creative work of the woman proletarian on all large and â€Å"small† fronts of our life, their rigid and total solidarity with the Party—these are the obligatory conditions for our creativity.The struggle for a new cultured life—is this possible without the creative initiative of the woman worker? The struggle with alcoholism and disgusting drunken debauchery and the struggle to expel the green hydra from the Soviet home—are these conceivable without the will and determination, without the intensive and constant force of the working woman? Could the struggle with such social ulcers as prostitution proceed successfully without arousing and involving hundreds of t housands of working women?And the struggle to overcome difficulties, the struggle with our many-faceted class enemies, the struggle with anti-Semitism, with the priesthood, and with religious stupefication—are these goals attainable if the campaign against these barbarisms does not include the millions of working women and if they are not advanced into the leading positions? All of these tasks need to be accomplished, and they will be accomplished. The path to the complete emancipation of working women is clear. No force has concealed it.And not only today, on the red holiday of March 8, should we take note of and strongly emphasize the great challenges facing the women’s proletarian movement. These should be remembered constantly, they should become part of our everyday â€Å"routine† of socialism. For surely we are talking about one of the greatest tasks that has been set by history: the complete liberation and emancipation of working women from any kind of ex ploitation, from material need, from lack of culture, and from barbarism. Document 3 Source: Minkin, Z. â€Å"The Bolshevik factory still does not have any women-master workers. Rabochii, July 7, 1931. In the past year, in connection with the overall growth in production, new ranks of women workers have flowed into the â€Å"Bolshevik† factory. At the present time, women make up 26. 2 percent of all workers at the factory. A large share of the newly entered women workers are the wives of workers who had already been working at the plant. As a result, the status of mass cultural and political educational work among these workers has clear significance. At the â€Å"Bolshevik† factory, 79 percent of women workers are shock workers.But the Party stratum among women workers is only 9. 2 percent, whereas it has reached 30 percent among all workers at the factory. This clearly indicates that recruitment among women workers is insufficient. The promotion of women into more q ualified jobs and the training of women to take the place of men’s labor within certain limits has been unsatisfactory within this factory. Many older women workers, who have worked for a long time at the factory, have been assigned to work not requiring qualifications and thus have not progressed any further.For example, at jobs near the presses, near the finishing machines, or involving work as planers, the number of women workers can be counted on a single hand. Yet a large share of women workers are assigned to unskilled labor not requiring any qualifications. It is sufficient to note that not a single woman worker can be found among the staff of master workers, despite the presence of a number of women workers who have already worked many years in factory, have sufficient qualifications, and could be assigned to this work.Because of the shortage of master workers, it happens that when the master worker of a particular section or workshop has to be away for several days, no one is available to take his place. Yet if the desire were there, it would not be difficult to train a couple of women to become master workers. It would also be possible to train a large number of women workers for other kinds of qualified positions. The situation is no better regarding the development of mass work among women workers. It is true that 14 percent of women workers received various kinds of awards for their shock work.A group made up of activist women workers is coming together. But inadequate efforts among women workers has meant that only 2 percent participating in rationalization measures. The percent of women workers in all kinds of public organizations is lower than the percent of men workers. The weakness of work among women workers is explained by the â€Å"absence of personal responsibility† in this area. Women’s organizers change frequently, and as a result this work is quite unsatisfactory. Document 4 Source: Pravda Severa, â€Å"Maria Seme novna Requires Assistance from the Party Collective,† September 9, 1932.In its day to day work with women, the Party constantly implements the instructions of V. I. Lenin â€Å"to bring women into public and productive work and to pull them out of ‘domestic slavery’ by freeing them from subordination to the stupification and humiliation of always and forever being responsible for cooking and taking care of the children. † But officials of the Party collective and of the factory committee and the directors of timber mill No. 23 still have not understood this objective.Pravda Severa has already written more than once about Maria Semenovna Abramova, and has repeatedly demanded that the Party collective of the factory committee and directors of factory No. 23 earnestly take up the tasks of eliminating lines at the stores and improving the work of nursery schools and kindergartens, so that Maria Semenovna [Abramova] and all the other housewives of the factory ma y be liberated from the absurd lines and kitchen fumes which wash away all the strength of women, isolate them from production and cultural activities, and undermine the completion of the production plan.Despite the fact that two months have already passed since Pravda Severa raised these questions, conditions at the factory have not changed at all. As before, Maria Semenovna spends her days standing in line for bread, herrings, and milk, and as before she rushes around the kitchen preparing supper for her kids. She tries with all her might to get away from this â€Å"vicious† circle, but she cannot. She tried to work at the factory, but had to quit work after ten days, because the horrible work of the childcare center left her children going hungry and without supervision.As a result, her youngest son became sick, and this tied the hands of Maria Semenovna. The medical assistance was also quite poor. Neither the Party collective nor the factory committee have lifted a finger to improve any of these awful conditions and they have also made no effort to keep Maria Semenovna at work in the factory. The secretary of the Party collective Lukin says that they have decided to reform their efforts in ZRK and have assigned one person in the supply department to eliminate lines at the stores, but in fact nothing has changed in this area.At the present time, the Party collective does not even have a women’s organizer, which is evidence for judging the efforts of the Party collective to organize women and to draw housewives like Maria Semenovna into the public and political life of the factory. We categorically demand that the Party collective and the factory committee immediately turn their attention to issues of women’s work, to freeing housewives from the tenacious grip of lines, to ensuring the consistent work of nursery schools, and to drawing women into socially productive labor.Document 5 Source: Za kommunisticheskoe prosveshchenie, â€Å"Sch ool No. 130 Follows its own Law,† February 6, 1937. In the Soviet Union, the rights of mothers and children are strictly protected by the law. For example, in addition to a four month maternity leave, every working mother has the right to take breaks during work for nursing until the infant reaches the age of nine months. But it seems that the administration of school 130 in the Soviet district of Moscow considers that this rule does not apply to its school.I have worked as a teacher for nine years, and am in my first year at school 130. Returning from maternity leave, I placed my infant in a nursery school. At first, I was able to nurse him regularly, every three hours. But because I could not nurse my infant during the break between classes (20 minutes), I was always late by 10-15 minutes. These minutes of tardiness were not absences, because I have the right to an additional half-hour besides these 20 minutes for nursing my infant.But the head of instruction and the school director, after repeated warnings, have ordered me to either stop nursing my infant or quit working in the school, because they consider that the class (42 pupils) cannot and should not be left without a teacher for even a minute. I completely agree with the orders of the head of instruction and the school director that pupils should not be left without a leader for even the shortest amount of time. But it does not follow from this that I, as a teacher-mother, am not able to lead the children in lessons. This unequal battle has resulted in the victory of the school administration.Despite the orders of a doctors, I had to stop nursing my infant and switch to artificial food, which quickly had a negative effect on the child’s health. I consider that the approach to me taken by the head of instruction and the school director demonstrates an unwillingness to let a teacher-mother have normal conditions for bringing up a healthy infant. It is possible to find a solution to this sit uation that does not harm the children and does not violate Soviet law by providing a substitute during this break or by drafting a schedule so that the pupils have another teacher after three hours.I love the work of teaching and do not want to give it up because of this temporary condition. In the current situation, I demand only that the administration of school 130 provide a little flexibility and human sympathy, so that I can continue working and bringing up my infant normally. Document 6 Source: Chart of â€Å"Women in the Soviet Labor Force: Total Number and Percent of Workforce. † In Zhenshchina v SSSR (Moscow, 1936). Document 7 Source: Chart of â€Å"Women in the Soviet Union and Capitalist Countries. In Zhenshchina v SSSR (Moscow, 1936). Document 8 Source: Pravda, â€Å"International Communist Woman’s Day,† March 9, 1939. In the Bol’shoi Theater, a celebration of March 8, International Communist Women’s Day, occurred yesterday, organized by the Moscow Committee of the All Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks), the Moscow Soviet, and the VTsSPS, in conjunction with party and soviet organizations, Stakhanovites, shock workers, and the Soviet intelligentsia of the city of Moscow.The hall was more than filled to capacity, and burst into warm applause when at the presidium appeared the leaders of Moscow party and soviet organizations and the VTsSPS, and the famous women and heroes of the Soviet Union, the heroines of labor and award-winners whose names are familiar to the entire nation. The meeting opened with a welcoming speech by comrade Popov, the secretary of the Moscow city committee of the VKP(b). Places at the presidium were taken by comrades Shcherbakov, Chernousov, Pronin, Shvernik, Marshal of the Soviet Union Budennyi, Nikolaeva, Marina Raskova, Valentina Grizodubova, Polina Osipenko, Zinaida Troitskaia, T.Fedorova, Evdokiia and Mariia Vinogradova, O. Leonova, and others. Comrade Fedorova proposed to elect an hon ored presidium. The first name nominated was comrade Stalin. Shouts of â€Å"hurrah† and exclamations of â€Å"Long live our own Stalin! † and â€Å"We raise our banner to salute Stalin! † rolled through the hall. Accompanied by stormy applause from all participants in the celebratory meeting, the candidates elected to the honorary presidium included the members of the Politburo of the Communist Party led by comrade Stalin, as well as comrades Dimitrov, Tel’man, and Pasionaria.The secretary of the VTsSPS, comrade Nikolaeva, made a speech about International Communist Woman’s Day: â€Å"We have assembled on the eve of historic events. In two days, the voice of the leader of the people, comrade Stalin, will be heard from the tribunal of the XVIII Congress of our party. Comrade Stalin will describe the results of the gigantic victories won by our country, and will set out the path toward solving the even greater tasks set by the third five year plan. Comrade Nikolaeva talked about the rise of the Soviet woman, about the heroic and energetic path taken by women of our country, and about the concern for women shown by the Soviet government and party of Lenin-Stalin. In her speech, comrade Nikolaeva referred to clear evidence that the Soviet woman had secured an honored place on all fronts of socialist development and in all areas of the political and public life of our country. The deputies to the Supreme Soviet of the USSR include 189 women, and the deputies to the Supreme Soviets of the union republics include 848 women.What a clear example of the growth of the political activism and the political maturity of the Soviet woman! Comrade Nikolaeva spoke about the heroism of the Soviet woman and the unforgettable flight taken by V. Grizodubova, P. Osipenko, and M. Raskova. The heroines were located right there, on the presidium, and the hall greeted them with warm applause. Comrade Nikolaeva described how Soviet women had mastered technology and knowledge and had become powerful economic leaders.She cited the example of Zinaida Troitskaia, who successfully mastered the complex craft of driving a locomotive engine, became an engineer, and now is the director of the Moscow regional railway. Zinaida Troitskaia was also located right there on the presidium, and her success was recognized with warm applause. Speakers also talked about the tremendous assistance that had been provided to the woman in our country by the Soviet government and the party of Lenin-Stalin, about the many millions of benefits given to mothers with many children, and about the steady growth in he number of nurseries and kindergartens. Expressing the thoughts and feelings of the entire hall, speakers referred to the warm sympathy felt by Soviet women for the women of China and Spain, who were heroically fighting for the honor and independence of their homelands against fascist invaders. After her speech, Hero of the Soviet Union Marina Rasko va proposed to send a letter of greeting to comrade Stalin on behalf of the assembly. With a warm ovation, the hall approved this heartfelt greeting.